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dc.contributor.authorWiemer, Bjoern
dc.date.accessioned2025-03-07T22:10:15Z
dc.date.available2025-03-07T22:10:15Z
dc.date.issued2023
dc.date.submitted2023-11-27T17:12:56Z
dc.identifierONIX_20231127_9791221501841_24
dc.identifier2612-7679
dc.identifierhttps://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/85614
dc.identifier.urihttps://doab-dev.siscern.org/handle/20.500.12854/168726
dc.description.abstractThe article provides a survey of aspect-tense (AT) grams in (North) Slavic and Baltic, with some account of Finnic. More recently developed grams (bound morphology and constructions) are evaluated against a deeper diachronic and larger areal backdrop in order to assess the significance of contact as a factor contributing to convergence of Slavic and Baltic varieties in the AT domain. In fact, the amount of actually converging features related to grammatical oppositions in this area is quite small; these are: (i) Prominent parallels in the strict subject- vs. object-oriented division of perfects in Slavic (mainly Belarusian) rural varieties, which must have been supported by an ancient and very stable Baltic model. (ii) Suffixation patterns of stem derivation in Aukštaitian Lithuanian resembling Slavic secondary imperfectivisation. The reasons for a generally low level of mutual influence between Baltic and Slavic are subjected to some methodological discussion.
dc.languageGerman
dc.relation.ispartofseriesBiblioteca di Studi Slavistici
dc.rightsopen access
dc.subject.other(North) Slavic
dc.subject.otherBaltic
dc.subject.otherlanguage contact
dc.subject.otherareal convergence
dc.subject.otheraspect-tense grams
dc.titleChapter Zu slavisch-baltischen Konvergenzen (und ihr Fehlen) im Aspekt-Tempus-Bereich
dc.typechapter
oapen.identifier.doi10.36253/979-12-215-0184-1.12
oapen.relation.isPublishedBy2ec4474d-93b1-4cfa-b313-9c6019b51b1a
oapen.relation.isbn9791221501841
oapen.pages42
oapen.place.publicationFlorence
dc.seriesnumber53
dc.abstractotherlanguageThe article provides a survey of aspect-tense (AT) grams in (North) Slavic and Baltic, with some account of Finnic. More recently developed grams (bound morphology and constructions) are evaluated against a deeper diachronic and larger areal backdrop in order to assess the significance of contact as a factor contributing to convergence of Slavic and Baltic varieties in the AT domain. In fact, the amount of actually converging features related to grammatical oppositions in this area is quite small; these are: (i) Prominent parallels in the strict subject- vs. object-oriented division of perfects in Slavic (mainly Belarusian) rural varieties, which must have been supported by an ancient and very stable Baltic model. (ii) Suffixation patterns of stem derivation in Aukštaitian Lithuanian resembling Slavic secondary imperfectivisation. The reasons for a generally low level of mutual influence between Baltic and Slavic are subjected to some methodological discussion.


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