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            Chapter Der Verbalaspekt in der obersorbischen Umgangssprache im Sprachkontakt

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            Author(s)
            Scholze, Lenka
            Language
            German
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            Abstract
            This paper deals with the Upper Sorbian aspect categories. While the traditional inflectional opposition imperfect vs. aorist is still widely used in the standard variety, it has almost disappeared from the colloquial variety used in the Catholic area of Upper Lusatia in Eastern Germany. By contrast, the derivational opposition of perfectivity formally persists in this area but has undergone some changes which are very specific to this variety. In particular, this aspect opposition, expressed by means of prefixes and suffixes has been radically restructured, such that its functional domain has shifted from grammatical aspect to grammatical telicity. It is argued that the starting point of this change is to be sought in an identification of the Sorbian aspect-sensitive grammatical prefixes with the German prefixes which mainly express telicity in processes of word formation. Special usages dealt with in this study are, on the one hand, the expression of habituality through (formally) imperfective verbs and, surprisingly, the expression of ongoing telic processes, but also of the analytical future, by means of their perfective correlates, on the other.
            URI
            https://doab-dev.siscern.org/handle/20.500.12854/152412
            Keywords
            Upper Sorbian varieties; German; aspect; language contact; grammatical telicity; telic processes; habituality; future; prefixes
            DOI
            10.36253/979-12-215-0184-1.11
            ISBN
            9791221501841
            Publisher
            Firenze University Press
            Publisher website
            www.fupress.com/
            Publication date and place
            Florence, 2023
            Series
            Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici,
            Pages
            22
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              This project received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 871069.

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